19. The
age group modes of cultural transmission
The
most common methods, means, and mechanisms of diachronic cultural transmission
between generations can be classed by a set of modes connected to age groups.
These are: 1)
imprinting,
2)
imitation
and exploration
,
3)
education,
and 4)
initiation.
General
literature:
Ba
(1986), (1993),
Campbell
(1978),
Illich
(1976), (1978), (1980), (1984), (1988),
Lock
(1996, ch. 13-18: Ontogeny),
Struck
(1994) (1995),
Read
(1968).
19.1. Growing
up: Imprinting, education
Lock
(1996, ch. 13-18: Ontogeny),
Kolata
(1984). Imprinting is the mode of transmission of the baby and the toddler. It
consists of those cultural elements which are instilled in the children mainly
through intimate contact with the mother and the immediate environment (family)
up until the transition when the child can walk and talk on his/her own and the
individual personality develops. The cultural patterns that are taken up in
this phase, are formed outside of personal consciousness. This mode is here
called
imprinting
because the child has little alternative but to accept the kinds of cultural
models offered by the environment or stay retarded for life. A specific
pathology connected with this phase is known as
autism.
Sacks
(1995: 233-282). Very few people who get disconnected from their mother at this
early age grow up to any adult functionality at all. Sacks movingly describes
one such very rare case, of a woman who became a respected animal psychologist,
because she could relate to animals much better than to people, and was
successful this way.
Much
of the learning in early childhood is embedded in neuronal patterns that cannot
be (re-) learned or changed in later life.
Spitzer
(1996: 202), (
Lock
1996: 407-431)
[568].
The crucial cultural material learned in this phase is: upright
walking
and the mother language
[569],
as well as culture-specific kinesic and gesticular motor habits. There are some
important observations meriting a deeper exploration of a very crucial
question: is it possible to draw a correlation between the level of
complication, rigidification, structurization, and formalization of a highly
civilized society and a danger of leading to deficiencies in the treatment of
small children which are avoided in indigenous societies? The material
presented by Ariès
(1962),
Gay
(1993),
Liedloff
(1983),
Maturana
(1994b)
,
Montagu
(1974),
Zenz
(1981), indicates that this may be very much so
.
See also
->:PANETICS,
p.
233.
19.1.2. Imitation
and exploration (play)
Literature:
Ba
(1986), (1993),
Fog
(1997),
Maturana
(1994b),
Read
(1968). Imitation and exploration are mainly connected with behavior of
children in the next age group, in our societies mostly up to the age of five.
A more common term that is often used in this context is
play.
Comparison
with other cultural phenomena
I
have mentioned that playing and other learning mechanisms are necessary for the
flexibility and adaptability of the human race. When a playing child imitates
an adult, he learns the behavior of the adult, and we may say that a cultural
transmission has taken place. Play may also be experimentation and exploration,
where the child does not learn from others but learns to know his physical
environment. Or play may be an exercise where the child learns to control his
body. Thus only some of the playing activities of a child are part of the
cultural transmission process.
In
the play phase, the younger generation is allowed to gather the cultural
information
[571]
by its own initiative and activity, often roaming the life environment in
children's groups. In western societies, because of the omnipresent traffic
danger and a certain restrictive attitude towards children's play
,
urban children are severely limited in this exploratory behavior, and are put
under observation by adults in a kindergarden and given substitutes in form of
miniaturized versions of the cultural implements of adult society (toys) by
which they can familiarize themselves with the material structure of their
cultural environment. This is much less the need and the case in indigenous
societies, where most of the implements of adult society are neither as
numerous nor as dangerous nor as likely to be damaged by children's handling.
19.1.3. Education
and initiation
Literature:
Ba
(1986), (1993),
Illich
(1976-1988),
Struck
(1994), (1995),
Read
(1968). Beyond age five or so, a different tone sets in for the cultural
transmission. Now it is the adults who are setting the content and the pace for
the instilling of cultural material to the younger generation. The pattern of
cultural transmission becomes markedly different between western societies and
indigenous societies.
In
the West, the
formal
education
sets in, with the standard school system, beginning with the training of the
young generation in the use of the alphabet and other formal systems as
standard CMT. This involves a partial casernification of the age group between
6 and 14, in higher education to 18. (Casernification meaning: the compulsory
relegation by law, under threat of punisment, of this age group to a specific
spatial and temporal regime, i.e. the school building and the regulation of
instruction by the clock). See
Foucault
(1969),
Illich
(1976-1988). In many societies this is part-day for the public school system,
and total casernification in boarding schools for a good percentage of the
upper class children in some other countries, like England and the US. The
compulsory military service in many countries imposes another, more severe
casernification for males around age 18 to 20. And the university education
usually also involves some kind of further spatial segregation of that age
group. This is more prominent in the US where college life is usually in a
different city "away from home".
In
the indigenous societies the child begins the integration into the productive
sector (farming, craft) by another cycle of imitation and exploration, i.e.
apprenticeship under the surveillance of the elders in the specific activities
and crafts of the respective culture sector.
Ba
(1993: 166-245),
Read
(1968). The transmission of the other cultural elements is effected by
participation in the communal rituals of society and by going through various
stages of age-group oriented rituals called
initiations.
19.2. The
patterns of initiation
The
extremely varied and wide spectrum of the patterns of initiation covers a major
part of the whole ethnological literature and a structure of it needs to be
given here for the purposes of accounting its important role in CMS.
Initiations are usually connected with the age group transition at puberty,
i.e. ages 12 and up, and the transformation from the social status of child
into that of the adult (Benedict
1934: 24-30), and concurrently or later, the marriage as legitimation to
procreate (
Müller
1985)
.
The
data given by
Ba
(1993: 242-243),
Benedict
(1934),
Bly
(1991),
Campbell
(1978),
Erdheim
(1984),
Fontaine
(1985),
Gennep
(1960),
Klosinski
(1991),
Popp
(1969),
Prahl
(1974), Straube
(1964: 671-722), and
Turner
(1973), (1982), (1986a), (1986b), (1987), (1990) are taken as base for the
present study. The difference in initiation patterns between {tribal /
indigenous} societies and civilizations loosely follows the distinction into
hot
and
cold
societies of Levi-Strauss
(also:
Erdheim
1984) and there is a corresponding distinction of
dionysian
and
apollonian
societies by Ruth
Benedict
(1934)
.
The respective patterns in civilizations will be called
vestigial
initiations
or
initiatoid.
19.2.1. Hot
and cold initiations
We
can make a general broad distinction that the
cold
societies have
hot
initiations (involving wounds and blood, with
hot
pains of the flesh) whereas the
hot
societies have
cold
{vestigial initiatic / initiatoid} patterns where the pains are more of the
kind of ordeals of endurance, merit, accomplishment, restriction, seclusion,
humiliation, casernification, self-restraint etc. The proverbial "dark night of
the soul" (St. John of the Cross) may give a good example of this initiatic
pattern as practiced in the catholic church.
Compared
with indigenous rituals, the vestigial initiatoid patterns of western societies
are more of a theatrical performance. A typical example of a western theatrical
"cold" initiation is the masonic.
Fontaine
(1985: 181,183): Initiation rituals have much in common with plays. They are
artificial experiences... the initiation of the masonic candidate... is a ...
journey created for him by the lodge members.
In
indigenous societies there is usually one main initiation (mostly the puberty
initiation), after which the initiand then belongs to the adult society and is
a full member with all responsibilities and privileges. In some societies,
there is no (apparent) transmission of CM material whereas others do have a
transmission happening at that occasion,
Ba
(1993: 242-243), often with successive further degrees of initiation.
Elkin
(1977: 3-6, 17-28, 71-134)
Strehlow
(1971: 392-413).
In
the stratified and classed western societies, there is a multitude of
{initiation-analogous / initiatoid} occurrences, and many subclasses and
subgroups have their own type of initiatoid ritual. Drinking of alcohol,
smoking, group violence, vandalism, and risky behavior like car racing, etc.
are frequently practiced among {youth groups / juvenile gangs} as initiatoid
pattern. The experience of war
has been the most common European initiatic ritual in the last millennium. Gay
(1993) makes an analysis of the war-like climate in 19th century european
societies. Also in many indigenous societies.
Benedict
(1934: 25): "Adulthood in central North America means warfare". In peace times,
the ordeal of the military boot camp serves as initiatic substitute, except
that there is no reintegration ritual, and no ritual celebration of the
attained manhood
[572].
The school system with its recurrent examinations provides some initiatic
patterns, and the ritual celebration of school / university graduation is
indeed one of the few remaining initiatic events in western societies. Many
western craft traditions had preserved elaborate initiatic rituals before they
died out with the industrialization.
[573]
Ong has pointed out the male puberty rite setting with its deliberately imposed
hardships, and physical punishments, in the earlier phases of the western
school systems.
Ong
(1971: 113-141), (1981: 119-148), (1982:113). It has also been noted that the
academic doctorate presents one of the purest remaining initiatic / initiatoid
patterns in western societies.
Prahl
(1974).
19.2.2. Initiation
as mnemotechnics
Most
initiatic rituals impose on the initiands tasks that involve stress and ordeal,
great deprivation, pain, fear, and even mortal terror. The initiate is
subjected to varying degrees of bodily infliction, and ritual mutilation
(preferably of the genitals), and wounds
,
that are severe enough to threaten the life of the initiate. In some cases it
may seem as if there is just pain inflicted for the sake of subduing,
brutalizing, and breaking the will, or the sense of self of the initiands
[574].
Fontaine
(1985: 186/187),
Clastres
(1976). In terms of CMM, we thus have the body as coding substrate, and in all
these cases, the
medium
is the message
(according to McLuhan,
and
it is by no means a massage
,
Goetsch
1991: 124). Because the dire message is written into the body itself, that the
society has the power over life and death of the individual, and that the
individual do better to submit to the main tenets of his/her culture
.
This lesson usually sticks for life. Various cultural materials can be
transmitted at the occasion
,
that make use of the particular mnemonic value of pain in connection with other
stimuli.
[575]
In Africa, the institution of initiation teaching is called bush-school, for
appropriate reasons.
Ba
(1993: 242-243).
Diallo
(1989: 64-76) gives an account of initiation among the Minianka, of Fienso in
Mali. This society, he relates on p. 64, "have the most initiations of any
ethnic group in Africa". The bush-school training lasted six months (p. 64) and
"During the initiation retreat, the boys get intensive training in music and
dance (p. 66). There exist different grades and levels of initiation through
which one passes in life (p. 67-76).
One
text on initiations,
Fontaine
(1985: 171) found the occurrence of a non-bloody initiation rite in Africa
remarkable enough to make a special notice of it: "the Bemba... a matrilineal
belt of Africa... absence of physical mutilation... emphasis on mimes, singing
and dancing, showing of sacred objects".
Fontaine
(1985: 189): Ritual knowledge, unlike science, is antithetical to change. It
must be handed down, not tested, altered, improved on or even discarded.
The
mnemonic role of the (for our civilized feelings) particularly brutal and
gruesome initiation rituals of the Australian Aboriginals are amply described
in the literature.
Roheim
(1945),
Strehlow
(1971),
Elkin
(1977),
Campbell
(1978: 132-152). The function of extreme pain during initiation as
mnemotechnics is described by Clastres:
Clastres
(1976: 174): Folter-Gedächtnis:
Die
Initiatoren achten darauf, daß die Intensität des Schmerzes ihren
Höhepunkt erreicht. Bei den Guayaki würde ein Bambusmesser bei weitem
ausreichen, die Haut der Initianden zu durchschneiden.
Doch
das wäre nicht schmerzhaft genug
.
Daher muß ein Stein benutzt werden, der stumpf ist, aber nicht zu sehr,
ein Stein, der statt zu schneiden zerreißt. So macht sich ein Mann mit
geschultem Auge auf den Weg, um bestimmte Flußbetten zu erkunden, wo
diese Foltersteine zu finden sind...
Die
Peiniger kamen näher; sie untersuchten seinen Körper,
sorgfältig. Wenn die Qual enden sollte, mußte er, ihrem Ausdruck
gemäß,
völlig
tot
,
d.h. ohnmächtig sein... Doch nach der Initiation, wenn jeder Schmerz
bereits
vergessen
ist, bleibt etwas zurück, ein unwiderruflicher Rest, die
Spuren,
die das Messer oder der Stein auf dem Körper hinterläßt, die
Narben der empfangenen Wunden. Ein initiierter Mann ist ein gezeichneter Mann.
Das Ziel der Initiation in ihrem Folter-Aspekt besteht darin, den Körper
zu zeichnen: im Initiationsritual
drückt
die Gesellschaft ihr Zeichen auf den Körper der jungen Leute
.
Eine Narbe, eine Spur, ein Zeichen sind nun aber unauslöschlich. Tief in
die Haut eingeschrieben, zeugen sie für immer, ewig davon, daß der
Schmerz, auch wenn er nur noch eine böse Erinnerung sein mag, dennoch mit
Furcht und Zittern ertragen wurde. Das Zeichen verhindert das Vergessen, der
Körper selbst trägt auf sich die Spuren der Erinnerung,
der
Körper ist Gedächtnis
.
Clastres
(1976: 176): Gedächtnis-Gesetz:
Das
Initiationsritual ist eine Pädagogik, die von der Gruppe zum Individuum,
vom Stamm zu den jungen Leuten geht. Eine Pädagogik der Affirmation, kein
Dialog... Mit anderen Worten,
die
Gesellschaft diktiert
ihren Mitgliedern
ihr
Gesetz
,
sie schreibt den Text des Gesetzes auf die Fläche der Körper. Denn
das Gesetz, welches das soziale Leben des Stammes begründet, darf niemand
vergessen.
19.2.3. The
origins of mnemotechnics
Nietzsche
describes the origin of mnemotechnics in "Genealogie der Moral", 1887, p. 289:
Vielleicht
ist sogar nichts furchtbarer und unheimlicher an der Vorgeschichte des
Menschen, als seine Mnemotechnik. "Man brennt etwas ein, damit es im
Gedächtnis bleibt: nur was nicht aufhört weh zu tun, bleibt im
Gedächtnis" - das ist ein Hauptsatz aus der allerältesten ...
Psychologie auf Erden... Es ging niemals ohne Blut, Martern, Opfer ab, wenn der
Mensch es nötig hielt, sich ein Gedächtnis zu machen; die
schauerlichsten Opfer und Pfänder (wohin die Erstlingsopfer gehören),
die widerlichsten Verstümmelungen (zum Beispiel die Kastration), die
grausamsten Ritualformen aller religiösen Kulte (und alle Religionen sind
auf dem untersten Grunde Systeme von Grausamkeiten) - alles das hat in jenem
Instinkte seinen Ursprung, welcher im Schmerz das mächtigste Hilfsmittel
der Mnemotechnik erriet... Je schlechter die Menschheit "bei Gedächtnis"
war, um so furchtbarer ist immer der Aspekt ihrer Bräuche.
After
Nietzsche
,
there were scores of anthropologists searching out and charting to the minutest
details all the intricacies of indigenous mnemotechnics world wide. For
specifics, see:
19.2.4. Initiation
as quest
Klosinski
(1991),
Campbell
(1978),
Bly
(1991). Initiation is not usually conducted to mete out pain for the purpose of
creating pain, but rather it is a part of a test of endurance, will, and
self-control (and / or restraint). There is a large tradition towards this end,
in many different societies. It is most pronounced in the Amerind vision quest
initiations. Here the aim is to let the initiand make an
initiative
out of his ordeal, in most cases he is sent out on some quest, and supposed to
return with something to society that is novel, exciting, useful, intriguing or
otherwise remarkable. European societies also had a rich repertoire of such
initiatic settings, starting with the legendary Arthurian knights who went out
far and wide doing great deeds, and rescuing many a fair damsel
[576]
from the claws of dragons, villains, and ogres, in their search of the holy
grail.
Campbell
(1978) and
Bly
(1991). One example of the initiatory elements in the crafts tradition was the
customary masterpiece to be delivered (
Bernard
1985: 14). There is also ample material presented in the european fairy tales
(Grimms Märchen). Lastly to be mentioned is the academic tradition of the
doctorate thesis whose original aim was to come up with a novel contribution to
the science and which the candidate must defend on his own
[577].
The issue here is that the novice must not just submit to a {structure /
ordeal} imposed by the elders but that he should bring in some individual
contribution that has the potential of changing the system, means bringing
innovation into the structures of a society. This element of potential change
of the system distinguishes the
cold
societies, which do everything to preserve their structures, from the
hot
ones. In terms of CMS, this presents the important element of
cultural
learning
.
The CMS is not just about eternally carrying on some cultural contents
throughout the millennia, but also about cultural learning, regeneration,
re-organization, re-juvenation, and (if we choose to call it so) cultural
evolution. Only where a society has succumbed to a process akin to senescence
in organisms, does the initatic ordeal have the sole purpose of subduing the
will and erasing the personality
.
19.2.5. Open
issues of initiation
The
research on the patterns of initiation failed to bring about substantial
material on the "inside" accounts of being initiated
.
Most descriptions were made from the objectivist exterior, by the vistiting
anthropologist, describing this and that setting, this and that procedure, and
scarcely a mention of how and what the initiands felt, and especially not what
the resulting "metanoia" was for them, how their own perceptions of themselves
and the world had changed.
[578]
Also no data were found on possible neurological changes in the patterns of the
nervous system as effected by initiation ordeals. In the present situation of
orientation towards neuronal processing, this should be very important
information A case in point may be the extremely drastic Australian
initiations which should leave "their mark" in the nervous system, and perhaps
accounting for some of the otherwise hard to explain facilities that these
people display. This is an aspect of initiation that must be formulated as
hypothetical in the present study, because it cannot be verified or falsified
from literature study: If initiation represents a transmission of cultural
material that cannot be told in words, nor shown by example, nor conveyed at
all as positive knowledge, then it would be entirely impossible to represent
within the framework of any conceptual model conveyed within the expressive
range of verbal language and writing.
[568]
In German there is a fitting proverb: "Was Hänschen nicht lernt, lernt
Hans nimmermehr".
[569]
Because of the deep neuronal embedding, some aspects of the first language are
almost impossible to learn / train in later life, like the Chinese tonal
patterns that can never be produced perfectly if learned after puberty.
[570]
no page number because of WWW-document.
[571]
And of course, in the rural environment of all societies except western
industrialized ones, the basics of nature, as well as the basic knowledge of
life processes, of which the western urban societies go through horrible
contortions telling their children such stories as "the birds and the bees".
For an in-depth discussion of this subject see also:
Strehlow (1971: 462-541).
[572]
The young recruits returning home have no reason to feel elevated for any
reason other than having gotten away from the military. And so the most common
ritualistic occurrence is that they get senselessly drunk. (My own fieldnotes).
[574]
The military boot camp may serve as a prime example of a formerly initiatic
technique deliberately designed to just this sole aim. Prisons, correction
centers, and concentration camps ditto. The large field of female genital
mutilation (FGM) in Africa and Islamic countries is often interpreted as a
means to subdue the women to sexual chattel, to convert them to obedient
child-bearing machines, and macho sex-satisfaction devices, to deprive them of
their libido, for "sexual blinding".
Lightfoot-klein (1993) and
Daly
(1981: 175-198). A discussion on that subject can presently be found on the WWW
under: http://www.hollyfeld.org/fgm/
(URL)
[576]
Cursory analysis of the materials presented in the mythological accounts yields
that the percentage of ugly old hags saved from the dragons' claws is zero. The
question of a possible mythological
gestalt
flip picture must be posed.
->:BORING_WOMEN,
p.
123 [577]
Although in actual practice this may not so much live up to these lofty ideals.
Focus 7/1995, Mariela
Sartorius: "Doktor, summa cum gaudi".